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Évolution de la religion assyrienne en milieu syro-hittite et syro-araméen. Syncrétismes religieux et implications politiques
S. SALMON. —The main concepts building the identity of the Assyrian State since the Bronze Age developed around the theology of the Assyrian national god, Ashur, leader of the local pantheon and “true” king of Assyria…
 
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Environmental changes in the Jebleh plain (Syria). Geophysical, Geomorphological, Palynological, Archaeological and Historical Research
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Une approche interdisciplinaire a permis de retracer les changements environnementaux de la région de Tell Tweini…
 
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Deux textes administratifs néo-sumériens et un sceau-cylindre paléo-babylonien inédits
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The first Neo-Sumerian administrative text is dated from the second month of the 42d year of Šulgi’s reign. This is an expenditure text of a certain Urkununna, a high-ranking civil servant from Drehem. The second tablet, a delivery text, is probably dated from the third month of the third year of Šū-Sin’s reign. The owner of the Old-Babylonian cylinder seal is Ilišamaš, son of Ahušunu, servant of Šamaš and of Nergal of Apiak.
 
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Notes sur certains sapeurs néo-assyriens
F. DE BACKER. — The goal of this paper is to provide the reader with some clues about a specific kind of soldier usually represented on the neo-assyrian visual documents in the depictions of siege-combats…
 
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De cuneatis, quas vocant, inscriptionibus persepolitanis legendis et explicandis relatio ou comment Grotefend perça le mystère du vieux-perse
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This paper offers a Latin to French translation of the small account Georg Friedrich Grotefend gave about his attempt of deciphering Old Persian cuneiform. The Göttingen young Latin teacher’s article, which title is De cuneatis, quas vocant, inscriptionibus persepolitanis legendis et explicandis relatio, appears partly, at first, in the Göttinger Gelehrten Anzeigen in 1802-1803. The last editing version, by W. Meyer, dates back to 1893. This work represents the key of Old Persian decipherment but has never been translated to date. It seems all the more necessary to do it since severals differences exist  between Grotefend’s own account and what can be usually read on the topic.
So, this text allows us to follow the decipherer’s work and progress, and his method, as Grotefend himself notifies, from general considerations on the three writings attested on Persepolis monuments, to very precise readings and translations of Old Persian  cuneiform inscriptions, what he calls “the first Persepolitan writing”.
 
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Les conséquences des guerres sumériennes
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From the year names of the Sumerian period, we learn the destruction of many towns that are supposed to be ruined to the ground in wartime. The houses were burnt, the king captive or killed, the inhabitants taken away, the fields ravaged, metals, cattle and flock carried as a booty. We are amazed at seeing that, two or three years later, these towns and their bordering country were completely destroyed again. I would try to understand what the texts really mean. It seems interesting to consider the social and economic consequences of the facts that are mentioned above.
 
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Guštāsp et Lug : des similitudes irano-celtiques
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Some parts of Guštāsp’s life told by Firdawsi’s Shahnameh are like some parts of Lug’s life: the Iranian prince and the Celtic god came incognito at the chief town of a kingdom; both presented themselves to king’s palace and enumerated their ability, but failed; both must undergo many tests, but then were successful; both became king’s allies, won at war, and became kings. These resemblances partly question Dumezil’s thesis and deny some parts of Guštāsp’s life are taken from an episode of the Mahābhārata.
 
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Reading Lycian Through Greek Eyes: The Vowels
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The purpose of this article is to revise the values that have been traditionally attributed by scholars to the Lycian vowels. In order to do that, I intend to study the Lycian names attested in Greek inscriptions, especially those present in bilingual inscriptions. Since the values of the Greek vowels are well known, this will help me to establish the values of the Lycian vowels.
 
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La monarchie hasmonéenne d’après le témoignage des monnaies : État juif ou État hellénistique ?
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The usage of Greek symbols on Hasmonean coins solely reflects a superficial dualism which does not distort in any way the national character of the Hasmonean state. The coins do not reflect any cultural dualism whatsoever, evenless a kind of syncretism. The Greek symbols used by the Hasmonean were not seen as symbols of paganism or idolatry. They were chosen in accordance with their relevance to the Jewish tradition.
 
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La montagne d’après les données textuelles d’Ougarit
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This study of the textual data from Ugarit concerning mountains is organized around three topics. First, mountains are viewed as an elemental part of the sacred landscape of the kingdom of Ugarit, dwellings of gods, meeting place of divinities, the edge of the world. Then the question of the identification of administrative districts in terms of geographical regions is treated. The final theme is the importance for the economy of the natural resources found in the mountainous areas, particularly animal husbandry, agriculture and timber industry.
 
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La divinité du mont Argée
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Classical coins from Caesarea (Kayseri) in Cappadocia and gems depict the Argaeus mountain in relation with a solar deity and horse. Commentators often hesitated to give a name to this deity : Helios-Apollon, Zeus-Sarapis ? According to texts from Kanesh, compared with classical and iconographical sources, the Argaeus-deity could be Pirwa, god of the mountain and protector of horses, the sanctuary of which was a kind of baetyl.
 
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Casius, le mont sacré de la Méditerranée orientale
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Mountains have always been considered as a natural way leading to heaven, as the bridge between human and divine. Some of them received particular attention and were adored as the true deities by the populations living around. Casius provides one of the most outstanding examples of this cult of the mountain in the past. This paper aims to emphasize the sacred character of this mountain by underlining its different aspects. As a border mountain, Casius occupies a site of great strategic importance, close to the Maditerranean Sea coast as the Orontes River’s mouth. Thoughout the Late Bronze Age, the chief deity of Ugarit’s pantheon dwellt on its summit nd, in the same period, Casius appeared to be the highest place of Hurrian mythology. During the classical antiquity, the cult of Zeus Casius confirmed the long continuity of this mountain’s fame in the ancient world.
 
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Les cultes de montagnes dans le monde louvite
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Texts of IId millenium B.C. underline the importance of mountains in Luwian minds. A few mounts are connected to Luwians, as Arinnanda, where Mursili fought Arzawian refugees. Devotions have been given to Harhara and Sarlaimi. The Hieroglyphic Inscription of Yalburt attested the existence of a sanctuary in Mount Patara (Lukka-Lands), venerated by Tudhaliya IV.
During the Ist millenium B.C., many deities are linked to mountains through the epiclesis of Oreios/eia. There is even a god named Oros in Cilicia. We examine particularly the case of Meter Oreia, rarely assimilated (maybe to Nemesis and Adrasteia in Lycia, more certainly to Athena in Cilicia).
 
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La maison de Mopsos en Cilicie et en Pamphylie à l’époque du Fer (XIIe-VIe s. av. J.-C.)
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The discovery of the Çinekoy Phoenician and Luwian inscription, ten years ago, throws new light on the importance of the « House of Mopsos » in Southern Anatolia during the Iron Age. Mopsos is no longer a pure legend but the eponym of an important dynasty. The Phoenician and Luwian inscriptions from the VIIIth-VIIth c. BCE show that this “House of Mopsos” was active not only in Cilicia but also in Pamphylia, especially in the foundations of new cities bearing the names of the rulers, and probably plaid an important role in the diffusion of the Phoenician alphabet to the Luwian people.
 
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Statues royales nabatéennes
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The royal iconography which appeared in the Nabataean kingdom is part of the imitation phenomenon of Hellenistic kingship by the Nabataean dynasty. Inscriptions found in Petra indicate that these images were private dedication to the king, not official monuments. However, it seems that this was the outcome of the royal propaganda which aimed at presenting the king as the benefactor of the people. The deification of a king named Obodas, probably at the time of Aretas IV, and the erection of statues in honour of this new god were also part of the royal propaganda.
 
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Alcune iconografie monetali della Lycia del v secolo a.C. e Kuprlli : espressione d’imperio o realismo politico (?)

N. VISMARA. —L’auteur compare 24 typologies monétaire de Kuprlli avec les émissions des autres « seigneur » et villes de la région de la Lycie…


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Tabal sur un sceau-cylindre araméen
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On the cylinder seal are represented a sacred tree with on each side human-headed bulls.  They hold on up-raised hands a winged sun disk from which arise three human heads, a central figure flanked by saluting assistants. On the left, a man raises his hands towards the central group while, on the right, a person wearing a fish costume is performing an act of aspersion. The human-headed bull to the left has his body turned in but is looking back over his shoulder at the suppliant and at a second figure who is holding a sickle-sword in his right hand and under his left arm a quadruped which has its head turned looking at the central scene.  Under the hind legs of this animal, a monkey-like creature is crouched facing right. Above the left-most personage are six small six-pointed stars and just above the suppliant’s raised hands is a much larger eight-pointed orb.
The motifs of this scene are Mesopotamian and date to the VIIIth or the VIIth century, while the Aramaic inscription may be dated palaeographically to about the middle of the VIIth century. It reads LTBLY MN ≥BLNH, "(Belonging) to Tabal≠ (or, if aramaic,Tabalay] of Abilena."  Tabal≠  (or Tabalay) appears to be a gentilic, referring to the land of Tabal, probably to be located in Asia Minor in one of the areas conquered a few decades earlier by Sargon II of Assyria. The owner of the seal wished to be identified both with his homeland and with his new domicile in the Abilena region of the Anti-Lebanon range on the eastern slopes of the Lebanese Beqa Valley.
 
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Le Tabal de la préhistoire au début de l’ère chrétienne
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The lector finds here a short historical introduction to the Tabal, an important country of Southern Anatolia.
 
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Les Phrygiens en Tyanide et le problème des Muskis
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In the first part of this article is questioned the Phrygian influence in the region of Tyana. Three elements are discussed : the Phrygian fibulae on the Ivriz relief, dated at the end of the 8th c. B.C., the Phrygian bronze material in the Kaynarca tumulus and the Phrygian inscriptions of Tyana. The Phrygian influence in the Tyana region appears to be certain at  the end of the 8th c. B.C. ; it is at least cultural and political but certainly also economical. In the second part, the Muski problem is discussed according to our main source : the Assyrian annals. The conclusions are that the Muski king Mita appears to be the same as the Phrygian king Midas but the Mushkis can’t be assimilated to the Phrygians. This assimilation reinforces the Phrygian presence in the Tyana region as well as the contacts between Phrygians and Assyrians.
 
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Des Grands Rois de Tarḫuntašša aux Grands Rois de Tabal
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Shortly before and after the fall of the Hittite Empire dynasty and the capital, Ḫattuša, the title “Great King” is found in some hieroglyphic inscriptions belonging:
– at first to the vassal king of Tarḫuntašša, a germain of the hittite king (inscription from Hatip and seals, second half of the 13th century B.C.),
– to the so-called Hartapu (Kızıldağ, Karadağ, Burunkaya, 12th century B.C. ?),
– to some kings of Tabal in the assyrian epoch (9th-7th centuries B.C.)
The difficult question of the continuity or of the discontinuity between Kurunta, king and Great King of Tarḫuntašša, Hartapu and the late kings of Tabal is posed and settled here on behalf of the discontinuity.
 
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Divinités particulières du Tabal
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In this contribution, R. Lebrun gives a study of important deities in the Tabal during the Iron Age. The majority of the gods were luwian but we find also the remembrance of some hurrian gods such as the Stormgod and the Goddess Hebat.
 
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Télipinu au Tabal
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The Weather God of the vineyard mentioned in the Sultanhan and Bor inscriptions show many similarities with the one depicted on the Ivriz rock carving. Il therefore seems likely that we are dealing with the same deity when looking at these three monuments. The God shows characteristic features which compare well with those of Telepinu, one of the most important gods of the Hittite pantheon during the second millennium B.C.
 
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Les lapicides du Tabal
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The paper studies names of lapidaries or scribes in their context, as well as their survival in the greek-asianic language. Therefore we establish a survey on the basis of corpus of the texts of Tabal.  Eventually we provide a vocabulary of words meaning "to engrave" or  "to incise" in luwian. Furthermore, we argue that there exists a specific name for "the lapidary". Finally we list anthroponyms which still be found in the greek-asianic.

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Distribution sociale de l’architecture domestique à Ougarit
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Did Ugaritans gather in separate quarters of the city and, whether it is the case, how is it marked architecturally? Six criteria have been established which allow to classify 33 houses in terms of social stratification. These are groundsurface, use of ashlar, hydraulic equipment, funeral devices, modifications of the surface and organisation of the house. Their application seems to indicate a strong distinction between people from the north-western part of the tell and those living in the following trenches : « Centre de la ville », « Ville et Sud » and maybe « Sud Acropole ». Actually, investment in domestic architecture seems much more important in the Residential and North-western quarters. The landed mobility on the tell is also looked into through the established criteria.
 
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Distribution sociale de l’architecture domestique à Ougarit
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How was space perceived and represented in the Roman world ? An ancient map from a medieval manuscript might give us a few answers. This map represents the northern part of the East Roman Empire. We are studying here the representation of Asia Minor.
 
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La royauté en Mésopotamie. Mort et succession du roi
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According to the ancient traditions, the king, in Mesopotamia, was supposed to be chosen by the gods and was reigning under their patronage.
However, in actual fact, the king went sometimes into exile, or the king happened to be killed by his son; a usurper seized the throne. The queen mother or the royal spouses planned the accession to the throne.
All these events are basically political problems, which include no religious references.
 
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L’achéen Achille est-il l’ancêtre du philistin Goliath ? À propos de l’armement et de la technique de combat du Philistin
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After a first paper devoted to the iconographical evidence from the temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu, this one analyzes the weapons of the Philistines from the textual evidence of the Old Testament, especially the description of the duel between Goliath and David. The scale-corset, the greaves of bronze, the javelin likened to a « weaver’s beam » and the singular contest give us some interesting information. In the problem of the supposed Aegean roots of the Philistine material culture, a close examination of the weapons and the singular contest shows that, apart from the greaves, they are typical in the ancient Near East at the end of the second millennium B.C.
 
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Les rapports monétaires entre Chypre et l’Asie Mineure méridionale à l’époque achéménide

A. DESTROOPER. — Some Cypriot coins have been found in hoards and isolated in Southern Asia minor. Others were overstruck or countermarked there. Cilician, Pamphylian and Lycian coins are also found in Cyprus. All of these coins are placed in their numismatic, geographical and historical context. The numismatic evidence shows that by far the greatest contact occurred during the first three decades of the IVth century BC, in particular the significant number of coins of Evagoras I of Salamis found in Cilicia. His military activity may explain this. During other times in the Achaemenid period, the few coins illustrate more normal contact between two neighbouring countries.


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