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I patronimici in -ίδᾱς del greco antico tra conservazione e innovazione

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Cet essai analyse les dérivés en -ίδᾱς en grec ancien, présence bien attestée – avec la valeur de patronymiques – dans la langue homérique. Après avoir écarté la validité des interprétations déjà existantes sur l’origine de ce suffixe, qu’il est malaisé de considérer en tant qu’agglomerat de -ίδ- + -ᾱς, on propose de postuler une origine microasiatique pour le suffixe -ίδᾱς dans sa globalité. Il s’agirait, en effet, du suffixe indo-européen *-iyo- (d’ailleurs bien attesté pour les adjectifs de relation), qui serait medié du lydien, vu qu’il présente l’évolution phonétique *y > d en position intervocalique, phénomène qui apparaît fréquemment dans la langue lydienne.

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Crudelis tu quoque, mater. Sur un passage problématique du chant de Damon (Virgile, VIIIe Bucolique, v. 47-50)

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The verses 47-50 of the eighth Eclogue are very confusing: they refer to personae whose identity can’t be clearly established (crudelis mater, puer improbus). Besides, their inelegantly emphatic form lets us suppose a textual corruption. Yet, an intertextual approach helps us to shed light on the meaning of the passage: the portrayal of incest in Catullian Carmen 64 (v. 403-406) − which obviously influenced Virgil − is very close to Virgilian verses, and takes place in a similar context: the depiction of crimes induced by Love. Hence our hypothesis that the ‘cruel mother’ (crudelis mater) and the ‘indecent child’ (improbus puer) are mentioned as an anonymous exemplum of incest.

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Lat. "gravastellus" (Plaut. "Epid." 620): un "hapax" problematico

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L’adjectif plautinien grāvāstellus (Ep., 620) a toujours posé des problèmes à l’analyse linguistique, étant donné qu’il s’agit d’un hapax et aussi parce qu’il n’a été pas transmis de manière univoque par tous les manuscrits (dans certains d’entre eux, on lit ravistellus). Toutefois, la forme grāvāstellus est défendable du point de vue philologique, si on prend en compte l’authenticité et l’autorité de la tradition qui l’atteste. Il est possible, dès lors, de faire remonter grāvāstellus à un étymon *grā-u̯os, qui se retrouve dans la variante plus récente rāvus, « gris ». Lié étymologiquement à des formes grecques telles que γραῦς, « vieille femme », l’adjectif *grā-u̯os comporte un signifié primitif « vieux », qui a donné, par spécialisation sémantique, le sens de « gris » dans rāvus. L’existence de telles variations en latin est confirmée par la comparaison avec les autres langues indo-européennes.

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L’enfant de la IVe Bucolique : un autre Zarathuštra ?

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Because the ambiguousness of the Latin grammar we don’t know who in Virgil’s 4th Eclogue (vv. 60 – 63) smiles (the child to his mother or the mother to her child). In order to work out this problem we compare the birth of the child and Zoroaster’s whose Virgil’s contemporaries knew the live, at least partly. We thus may say not only the child smiles to his mother, but also he is born in a religious environment, as when Zoroaster was born. In the 4th Eclogue, Virgil provides the child with some Zoroaster’s salient features, in order that the child has the qualities of the founder of the religion the Parthians, i.e. the Rome’ enemies, practise, and because the child will see the submission of the Parthians.

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Le “Chien” dans la tradition juive des littératures bibliques et para- et postbiblique (Ahiqar, écrits de Qumrân, pseudépigraphes et littérature rabbinique)

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Dogs in Judaism in biblical and extra- and postbiblical traditions (Ahiqar, writings from Qumran, Apocryphal and Rabbinic literature)
In Judaism, from the Torah until the later writings from Qumran and the Rabbinic literature, dogs are generally considered to be unclean, bad and fierce.
Despite the general negative connation, there are a few exceptional passages where dogs occupy a very positive position as creatures faithful to their masters and as guardians like in the apocryphal book of Tobit where the dog accompanies Tobias on his journey to Ekbatana. A similar role is assigned to the dog in the Midrash where Cain, having killed his brother Abel, is given a dog by God as a symbol of his protection.
In the Rabbinic tradition it is also written that the dogs stayed silent while the Israelites began to exit from Egypt, and the Talmud says that Jews should "tolerate" dogs.

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Lumière sur les loups d’Apollon

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The origin of the name of the deity Apollo is still a matter of debate. The name is attributed to Greek, Anatolian or a substrate language of the Aegean area. Whatever the position one takes on this question, it has consequences far beyond the linguistic debate: it concerns the constitution of the Greek religious belief by inherited or by loan elements. In this article it is decisively taken part for the Greek origin of the deity, which is further linked to elements of Indo-European culture. In spite of some astonishing facts which could be in favor of an Anatolian (or substrate) origin, such an origin is refused. These facts belong already to a further development of the nature of the deity. The whole question is linked to the history of the movements of Indo-European men-groups to unknown regions, notably to the Greek presence in Western Anatolia which is older than generally asumed. In this perspective, Apollo can be considered as a kind of ‘frontier god’ who get’s ‘civilized’ in parallel to the institutional development of the political units venerating him.

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La "maison (le palais) des ancêtres" et les tombeaux des rois hittites

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In Hittite texts apart from the «stone house» É.NA₄ and the É hekur there is the third term related to the deceased kings: a «house (palace) of grand-fathers» É(.GAL) huhhas. Those houses existed in three Hittite royal residences: Hattusa, Katapa and Samuha. Some ceremonies of the great festivals as well as the rituals were celebrated in those houses. In Hattusa the events of the second day of the hisuwa-festival took place in the “house of grand-fathers”; in Samuha the queen celebrated a ritual for Sauska of Taminiga in the É huhhas; in Katapa the nuntarriyasha-festival began in the “house of grand-fathers”. É huhhas (as well as the “stone house») had some economic power: the food necessary for the different festivals were brought from them. Although there wasn’t any festival nor ritual description which took place in the “stone house”. The officials working for É huhhas (LÚ.MEŠ É huhhas) had the ability to answer the oracle questions in some ominal texts.

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