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by Éric RAIMOND. — The personnality of Goddess Leto is quite unknown, despite she is the sixth spouse of Zeus and one of the main victims of Hera…
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by Djibril AGNE. — In this study, age structures in traditional African education are used in the illumination of the senses of ἀγέλη and ἴλη in Sparta.…
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by Marcel MEULDER. — Peirôs, a Thracian warrior in the Ilias, has the same name as the Hittite rider god Pirwa. Some facts defend this assumption…
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Studies on the origin and development of the alphabet are very abundant: considering the last twenty years only, I listed more than thirty papers and monographs, which focus their attention on the mother script and antiquity of the Greek alphabet or the place and modalities of its transmission. In this paper, I shall comment three key theories, namely these of B.B. Powell (1991), related with Homeric epics, R.D. Woodard (1997), related with Cypriot syllabic writing, and S.-T. Teodorsson (2006), related with oriental literature. I chose them because they offer a global model of the alphabet’s historical reconstitution, which takes into consideration all parts of the question. Powell’s “Homer related” theory and Woodard’s, on a Cypriot origin, apparently completely opposed, seem to be combined to a certain degree by Teodorsson, who proposes a kind of compromise between literary influence and trade routes.
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In the 52nd and last epistle of the Brethren of Purity, one finds a passage which is a very faithful translation of Plato’s famous narrative about the ring of Gyges. Taking into account the literality of the translation, the size of the passage (about 30 lines) and the precision of the reference made to the original text, it may fairly be assumed that it is a unicum in the history of the transmission of Plato to the Arab world. The purpose of this paper is to take up again this issue and try to bring up some new elements to the discussion.
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In the absence of integral and litteral Arabic translations of Plato’s dialogues, the transmission of Platonism in the Muslim world was an indirect one, passing through different channels such as medical works, doxographies and gnomologies. The complexity and relative obscurity of this ‘voie diffuse’, in which according to Pierre Thillet oral transmission played an important role, led to all kinds of hazardous speculations about the existence of a Platonic Academy among the ‘Sabaens’ in Ḥarrān, which was supposed to be still in activity in the Xth century. This article proposes a critical analysis of one of the most quoted ‘evidences’ for this theory: al-Mas‘Å«dÄ«’s report about a Platonic inscription he claims to have seen on the door-knocker of the maǧma‘ of the Sabaeans in Ḥarrān. Rather than proving the existence of a ‘Platonic Academy’ there, al-Mas‘Å«dÄ« offers us an eloquent illustration of the way Platonism was transmitted in the Muslim world.
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Cet essai analyse les dérivés en -ίδᾱς en grec ancien, présence bien attestée – avec la valeur de patronymiques – dans la langue homérique. Après avoir écarté la validité des interprétations déjà existantes sur l’origine de ce suffixe, qu’il est malaisé de considérer en tant qu’agglomerat de -ίδ- + -ᾱς, on propose de postuler une origine microasiatique pour le suffixe -ίδᾱς dans sa globalité. Il s’agirait, en effet, du suffixe indo-européen *-iyo- (d’ailleurs bien attesté pour les adjectifs de relation), qui serait medié du lydien, vu qu’il présente l’évolution phonétique *y > d en position intervocalique, phénomène qui apparaît fréquemment dans la langue lydienne.
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I’m interested in Strabo’s description of Mazaca in Cappadocia. The description of this polis, with its wealth of information, is exceeded only by the descriptions of Alexandria and Rome. However, I don’t believe that this presentation is based on what the author would have observed. Strabo certainly uses local sources, perhaps royal cappadocian traditions.
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In this paper, the author redraws essential stages of the life of Diodorus of Sicily. The trip which this one accomplished in Egypt must exercise important influence for the writing of his work : the Library of History. This sicilian historian could consult sources kept in Alexandria, what allowed him to insert new books (I-VI) dedicating in events previous to the war of Troy.
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Cet essai analyse le mot ἐπίστασις qui figure dans deux inscriptions dialectales pamphyliennes provenant de Pergé…
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The attalid letters from Pessinous are exceptionnal documents for Antiquity, because of their secret nature. They allow the reconstitution of a tragic episod which affected the sanctuary: a sacrilege commited by Galatians. Facing the accident, the author of these texts expresses reactions rarely noticed, linked with theology. It may be added that the presentations of these events became possible by the simple change concerning the word Pessongoi, which figures in the beginning of the first letter.
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The origin of the name of the deity Apollo is still a matter of debate. The name is attributed to Greek, Anatolian or a substrate language of the Aegean area. Whatever the position one takes on this question, it has consequences far beyond the linguistic debate: it concerns the constitution of the Greek religious belief by inherited or by loan elements. In this article it is decisively taken part for the Greek origin of the deity, which is further linked to elements of Indo-European culture. In spite of some astonishing facts which could be in favor of an Anatolian (or substrate) origin, such an origin is refused. These facts belong already to a further development of the nature of the deity. The whole question is linked to the history of the movements of Indo-European men-groups to unknown regions, notably to the Greek presence in Western Anatolia which is older than generally asumed. In this perspective, Apollo can be considered as a kind of ‘frontier god’ who get’s ‘civilized’ in parallel to the institutional development of the political units venerating him.
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Cet essai analyse certains anthroponymes composés pamphyliens possédant la voyelle de liaison -a-. Dans le panorama de la dialectologie grecque, il s’agit d’une particularité presque exclusive du dialecte pamphylien. Après avoir écarté la possibilité d’un trait héréditaire propre aux dialectes achéens, on propose d’analyser cette spécificité du pamphylien en tant que produit d’une interférence du substrat anatolien et louvite en particulier.
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The purpose of this article is to revise the values that have been traditionally attributed by scholars to the Lycian vowels. In order to do that, I intend to study the Lycian names attested in Greek inscriptions, especially those present in bilingual inscriptions. Since the values of the Greek vowels are well known, this will help me to establish the values of the Lycian vowels.
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On relève en Homère une excessive, inacceptable homogénéité entre les Grecs et les non-Grecs. Dans le champ de la religion, le Panthéon grec semble être commun à toutes les gens entraînées dans la guerre de Troie; toutefois Homère introduit un rituel panhellénique des Vieilles pendant la procession menée par Hécube. Tous les personnages, héroïques ou moins, qui prennent part au conflit, emploient un langage qui est apparemment unique; toutefois, les peuples de la coalition anatolienne parlent des langues differentes (Il., IV, 436 seg.). D’un point de vue politique, on observe aussi que les souverains étrangers sont appelés βασιλεις, à la manière grecque. Dans l’Odyssée les Phéaciens semblent être un peuple qui vit heureusement; toutefois Homère admet l’existence de possibles larrons (Od., VIII, 443 seg.). Homère est un témoin attentif et digne de foi – à mon avis – de la réalité du monde mycénien à la fin du IIe millénaire. Pourtant pareilles contradictions étant inadmissibles, elles peuvent être expliquées seulement comme un bien précis objectif. Par le caractère politique-culturel de ces contradictions, il est possible de penser à un but à caractère idéologique.
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The paper studies names of lapidaries or scribes in their context, as well as their survival in the greek-asianic language. Therefore we establish a survey on the basis of corpus of the texts of Tabal. Eventually we provide a vocabulary of words meaning "to engrave" or "to incise" in luwian. Furthermore, we argue that there exists a specific name for "the lapidary". Finally we list anthroponyms which still be found in the greek-asianic.
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The codex Sin. Gr. μ 109 recently discovered in Mount Sinaï contains 27 couples of moral sentences in iambic trimeters of the Carmen I,1,32 attributed to Gregory of Nazianzen. Those sentences are publiced and compared with the Benedictine edition of Patrologia Græca, 37, col.
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