Safran Publishers

Au sujet des représentations du Cerbère de type "macrobien" et pseudo-macrobien : une recherche iconologique

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This paper is dealing once again with the iconologic analysis of the so-called Macrobian-Cerberous whose description is given by Macrobius, Saturnals I, 20 : a central standing lion with two lateral heads of a dog and a wolf shooting from its neck, with two snakes climbing up along the lion’s legs and connecting the three animal heads. Two new representations of this fabulous tricephalous animal engraved in the famous book L’Antiquité expliquée en figures of Dom Bernard de Montfaucon (1719-1724) as well as other figures missing in the iconographic corpus of this deity, provide the opportunity to give a new approach of this monster from an egyptological point of view. The basic concept of the tricephalous Cerberous, as well as the iconography of this god were the result of an intellectual exchange between two high figures belonging to the sacerdotal class : Manetho the Sebennytus and the Athenian Timothy the Eumolpid. Embodying both Egyptian and Greek beliefs in the prospect of the creation of the theology of the god Sarapis, at Memphis, under the reign of Ptolemeus Sôter, they promoted a bifocal belief in giving both the Greeks and the Egyptian the god Sarapis ruling in the Hades, and mastering the allegorical « dog » Cerberous, whose certain features are adapted from Egyptian iconography.

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Riflessioni sulla Logica e sul modo di pensare antichi

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Les résultats actuels des études indo-européennes révèlent un aspect du système linguistique préhistorique qui contraste radicalement avec la grammaire traditionnelle. Cet article tend à démontrer que les différences dans l’expression et la syntaxe correspondent à des différences dans l’organisation mentale et le système de la logique. Il est de plus suggéré que le mécanisme linguistique antique cadre mieux avec le langage tel qu’il est activé dans le cerveau, ceci en accord avec ce qui est généralement admis au niveau de la base neurologique du langage. Par parenthèse, une relation est signalée entre cette représentation du langage et la philosophie de Bergson.

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"Referre, revocare, restituere". Forme e significati dell’urbanistica nella Roma di fine I sec. d.C.

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L’article de Marco Cavalieri a pour objet la politique urbanistique à Rome à l’époque de l’empereur Domitien. Partant du présupposé que l’action évergétique du souvrain est toujours le résultat de la rencontre entre exigences du pouvoir et du consentement populaire, le texte prend en considération toutes les interventions architectonico-urbanistiques les plus connues voulues par Domitien, cherchant à en comprendre de manière plus approfondie les motivations et les buts idéologiques. Les conclusions auxquelles il arrive mettent en évidence un projet de rénovation de l’aspect urbanistique de la ville fondé sur les nouvelles exigences du dominatus : d’un côté, l’exaltation de la figure du souverain au moyen d’une politique dynastique et triomphaliste, de l’autre un nouveau centre de concentration politique, le Palatium. Comme conséquence à tout ceci, la démagogie toujours attentive du panem et circenses.

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Carl Robert et la peinture de Polygnote

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Greek painter Polygnotos’ paintings are only preserved by Pausanias’ description and by some isolated mentions of other Greek and Latin writers. At the end of the nineteenth century, the German scholar Carl Robert wrote three books on the works of this artist, in which he attempts to reconstitute three pictures (Nekyia, Ilioupersis and the Battle of Marathon). His attempt is part of a tradition that traces back to the middle of the eighteenth century. This paper shows how these studies on the Greek painting fall into line with Carl Robert’s research works, in what they are distinguishable from previous reconstitutions and which innovations they brought in the knowledge of the Greek painting of the fifth century B.C. as well as in the edition of Pausanias’ text.

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Les techniques d’éloge dans les Panégyriques Gaulois

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The collection of Gallic panegyrics is composed of speeches given during the 3rd and 4th centuries AD on the glory of leaders of the Roman Empire. The authors, native Gallic rhetors, devote a considerable portion of their speeches to the account of the princes’ struggles against disturbers of Roman order, whether in the form of internal rebellion, invasions from beyond the limes, or attempted usurpations. Based on a corpus of three panegyrics pulled from this collection, the present article focuses on displaying, through the accounts of combat against the Empire’s adversaries, the techniques of princely eulogy implemented by the orators in the outline of both their content and their form. These methods, supported by the appropriate stylistic artifices, can be divided into three orientations : exalting the qualities and actions of the laudandus, hiding his defaults and less honourable actions and disparaging his opponents.

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Les douze grands dieux de l’Énéide

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By the time when Vergil wrote the Aeneid, the number and identification of the Olympian Gods had long been determined. The Gods were twelve in number, collectively known as “dodekatheoi”, and their names, in Latin, were: Apollo, Ceres, Diana, Iuno, Iuppiter, Mars, Mercurius, Minerva, Neptunus, Venus, Vesta and Vulcanus. Yet it may be safely assumed that no order or, as it were, logical sequence, was ever imposed for the group as a whole, so that any artist or writer in Antiquity remained free to represent or describe them in the order of his choice. This article focuses on the question of the Twelve Olympians in the Aeneid. It puts forward a method whose purpose is to examine whether each book of the poem may be said to be dominated by one particular Olympian god. This investigation comes as a complement of previous studies already published about the literary architecture of the Aeneid.

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Distribution sociale de l’architecture domestique à Ougarit

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Did Ugaritans gather in separate quarters of the city and, whether it is the case, how is it marked architecturally? Six criteria have been established which allow to classify 33 houses in terms of social stratification. These are groundsurface, use of ashlar, hydraulic equipment, funeral devices, modifications of the surface and organisation of the house. Their application seems to indicate a strong distinction between people from the north-western part of the tell and those living in the following trenches : « Centre de la ville », « Ville et Sud » and maybe « Sud Acropole ». Actually, investment in domestic architecture seems much more important in the Residential and North-western quarters. The landed mobility on the tell is also looked into through the established criteria.

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L’achéen Achille est-il l’ancêtre du philistin Goliath ? À propos de l’armement et de la technique de combat du Philistin

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After a first paper devoted to the iconographical evidence from the temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu, this one analyzes the weapons of the Philistines from the textual evidence of the Old Testament, especially the description of the duel between Goliath and David. The scale-corset, the greaves of bronze, the javelin likened to a « weaver’s beam » and the singular contest give us some interesting information. In the problem of the supposed Aegean roots of the Philistine material culture, a close examination of the weapons and the singular contest shows that, apart from the greaves, they are typical in the ancient Near East at the end of the second millennium B.C.

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Gli alfabetari camuni

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En partant des travaux de M. G. Tibiletti Bruno (1990 et 1992) qui avaient amélioré, mais non pas résolu le problème de la lecture de tous les graphes des inscriptions prélatines gravées sur les roches du Val Camonica, dans mes travaux récents j’avais interprété la valeur des graphes les plus controversés, en les situant dans un système phonologique cohérent et morphologiquement motivé. Ceci a permis une analyse épigraphique plus soignée des séries alphabétiques que je présente dans cet article. La comparaison entre ces séries – provenant de deux zones différentes de la vallée, Piancogno et Zurla-Foppe di Nadro, et attribuables au ier siècle av. J.-C. – confirme la validité des interprétations des graphes et donne d’ultérieures indications sur les variantes graphématiques. La série théorique des signes vocaliques paraît très variée.

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Les rapports monétaires entre Chypre et l’Asie Mineure méridionale à l’époque achéménide

A. DESTROOPER. — Some Cypriot coins have been found in hoards and isolated in Southern Asia minor. Others were overstruck or countermarked there. Cilician, Pamphylian and Lycian coins are also found in Cyprus. All of these coins are placed in their numismatic, geographical and historical context. The numismatic evidence shows that by far the greatest contact occurred during the first three decades of the IVth century BC, in particular the significant number of coins of Evagoras I of Salamis found in Cilicia. His military activity may explain this. During other times in the Achaemenid period, the few coins illustrate more normal contact between two neighbouring countries.

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Les îles de la mer Égée, Lazpa, le pays d’Aḫḫiyawa et les Hittites

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Some cuneiform texts found in the palace archives of Hattuša (Boğazköy), the hittite capital, are the principal source of information for the history of the Aegean islands and western Asia Minor from 15th to 13th century BC. The question of the nature of Hittite involvement in Aegean area is one of the recurring problems arousing arduous debate about the Mycenaean-Hittite relations and the contacts between Hittite and Greeks towards Miletus (hittite Milawa(n)da), Aegean coast and islands (Lesbos/Lazpa ?). Although most of this study is obviously based on written sources, use is also made of the rich archaeological evidence about Mycenaean sites along the western coast of Anatolia and the nearest islands (Samos, Rhodes, Dodecanese).

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Alašiya et Ougarit

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At the end of the late Bronze Age, Alashiya was characterized by a very mixed population: Mycenians, Hittites, “people of the sea”, Syrians.
The different excavations carried on the island show a general state of prosperity, with international trade expansion. Relations were numerous particularly with Ugarit as shown by the finding of a lot of cypriot ceramics in this city and its harbour, a specific writing, the settlement of Alashiyan people in Ugarit, letters sent between the two courts. The documentation unearthed from the “Urtenu’s house” confirms these relationships. People from Alashiya worked in Ugarit, Cyprus shifted copper, Ugarit horses, oil and handicrafts. Both royal courts exchanged “presents” and pieces of information; it might even be possible that they had been bound by mariage.

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Taches lunaires, phases de la lune et fécondité des règnes. Lagomorphes, félins divins et hybridations en Égypte ancienne. Autour de la déesse hase Ounout du XVe nome de Haute-Égypte

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This paper is dealing with the problem of the interpretation of lunar splashes and phases of the moon, and their relationship with Egyptian myths and their complexity, in particular some Hermopolite beliefs. It gives an overview of the conception of the lunations and it attempts to follow the speculation in the Egyptian thought, by virtue of which the Egyptians – basing themselves on the habits of this mammal, its aspects, the ancient beliefs on the reproduction cycle of this species – would have formally interpretated lunar splashes as forming the shape of an hare or a doe, a belief attested in many civilisations, on which are based many Oriental and Mediterranean legends. This paper shows the gradual change of the primordial Hermopolite goddess Unut, the doe-goddess, from the stage of her first occurence during the Old Kingdom to the one of the classical texts in which her alter ego, Nehemetauy, is considered as Isis Thesmophora or Hegemonis and Dikaiosunè, deities traditionnally associating moon, legislation and justice. Finally, the paper tries to shed a new light on the relationship between hare, cats and lions in mythological Egyptian texts.

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Šuppiluliuma I ou Šuppiluliyama (II)

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The treaty between the Hittite King Suppiluliuma (c. 1350-1319 B.C.) and Niqmadu, the king of Ugarit (Ras Shamra) has been preserved in several akkadian (syllabic cuneiform) tablets and one ugaritic (alphabetic cuneiform) version (RS 11.772+ = KTU 3.1). The ugaritic text raises several problems of interpretation and datation. A daring study has recently suggested that the all texts relating to the treaty refer to the begin of Suppiluliyama (II) at the end of 13th century B.C. It seems impossible and must be excluded. The first record of Ugarit’s passage from Egyptian sphere of influence to Hittite fold is surely connected to Suppiluliuma’s actions in Syria around 1340-1330 B.C. and not to the Suppiluliyama’s reign (c. 1210-1185 B.C.).

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