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Adolfo ZAVARONI. — L’auteur interprète les cruciformes des écritures liguriennes comme des supports rotatifs schématiques de la voûte céleste et donc comme des représentations symboliques des deux grands dieux qui gouvernent les cycles universels…
 
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Le grand mariage hittite de Ramsès II et son empreinte dans la mémoire égyptienne
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C. CANNUYER, « Le grand “mariage hittite” de Ramsès II et son empreinte dans la mémoire égyptienne », dans I. KLOCK-FONTANILLE, S. BIETTLOT et K. MESHOUB (éd.), Identité et altérité culturelles : le cas des Hittites dans le Proche-Orient ancien. Actes de colloque, Université de Limoges 27-28 novembre 2008, Brussels, 2010, p. 87-104.
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Palaïte Ha-ap-na-aš (Hapnaš) : un vestige eurasiatique en anatolien ?
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Our approach starts from Palaite ḫaapnaš (=Hittite ḫapaš) “river” and is based on a linguistic Eurasiatic survey originating in J. Greenberg. He posits that *no (*nV) is a marker establishing the membership of the macrofamily and that ḫapaš stems from a term applying to water. To justify these developments, our study focuses on a pre-celtic term onno “river” analyzed as *(H)on-spring + *nV in order to try to show that a structure *dh-(h)on-, with the *dh- prefix, after a linguistic break, went into the making of an Indo-European root (“to flow”). The pair ḫaapnaš/ ḫapaš is then considered within the complex history of the Anatolian genitive, at this stage of our approach we resort to a former membership case reshaped in various ways into the nominative when some verb forms, coming after Eurasiatic verbo-nominals, appeared in Indo-European. The analysis of Eurasiatic and Indo-European is completed with a comparative discussion of Lithuanian upė “river”.
 
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Les Hittites dans les sources mésopotamiennes
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The article focuses on the Mesopotamian image of the Hittites from the Old Assyrian to the Neo-Assyrian period. The source material is studied and a history of contacts between the Anatolians/Hittites and the Mesopotamians is reconstructed. Special attention is given to the expedition of Mursili I against Babylonia and to the contacts between the Neo-Assyrian kings and the Neo-Hittite states in southeastern Anatolia.
 
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La réforme de la langue hittite au XIIIe siècle av. J.C. : instrument au service de la construction de l’identité
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In 13th century BCE Hittite texts some words are marked with special signs called 'gloss-wedges'.  It is generally assumed that they were used to mark words of foreign, mostly Luwian origin.  However, a semantic analysis of the relevant vocabulary reveals that if the words had been marked because of their foreign origin, this would seem to have been a form of extreme linguistic purism serving nationalistic purposes.  Because of the lack of evidence for nationalistic tendencies in Hittite texts and Hittite culture in general this seems highly implausible.   On the other hand, a thorough investigation of contexts in which words with gloss-wedges appear gives reasons to assume that words were marked with gloss-wedges for ideological purposes, i.e. to shape moral identity and enforce a proper code of conduct in the last decades of the Hittite Empire
 
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Allitérations et assonances associées à l'emploi des impressifs de sonorité dans la langue homérique
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This paper aims to show the conditions under which alliterations and assonances appear in the Homeric epos. One has intentionally restricted the corpus to the close context of impressive verbs denoting a noise, in order to determine by what the presence of such sound effects could have been conditionned : contrary to the expectations, the associations of such verbs and such sound effects are absolutely not systematic, but they are concentrating only when the dramatic tension in the narration reaches a peak, as if the drama of the situation had to be heightened by the accumulation of expressive devices involving the signifier. Along the same lines it has been observed that the expressive hapax crovmado" appears to be brought about by an alliterative context.
 
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La paréchèse et les jeux sur les mots chez Homère
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In a number of cases Homer’s epics provide us with single forms which—though metrical and unequivocally transmitted—are morphologically aberrant or altogether ungrammatical. Textual criticism has frequently attributed such forms to a faulty transmission, and consequently has tried to emend them out of existence.
There are, however, other mechanisms for generating, and other ways to explain, deviant or aberrant forms. Thus there are many instances of word games in Homer, in which the poet chooses to reshape forms so as to yield pairings of rhyming words.
The present article treats six such instances of aberrant forms: έδήδοται Od. 22.56; έληλέδατʹ(ο) Od. 7.86; εστασαν Il. 12.56, Od. 3.182; λέκτο Od. 4.451; ωνατο Il. 17.25; προθέουσιν Il. 1.291. All of these have been subject to emendation (from antiquity to modern times) but can now be vindicated as authentic Homeric forms once they are recognized as constituents of artful word games.
 
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Amministratori e funzionari nell’Anatolia ittita. Su alcuni aspetti della formazione delle parole in una "Corpussprache"
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P. DARDANO, « Amministratori e funzionari nell’Anatolia ittita. Su alcuni aspetti della formazione delle parole in una "Corpussprache" », Res Antiquae 10, Bruxelles, 2013.
 
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Quelques noms du vin et de la vigne dans les langues anciennes du Proche-Orient et du nord de la Méditerranée
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A. FOURNET, « Quelques noms du vin et de la vigne dans les langues anciennes du Proche-Orient et du nord de la Méditerranée », Res Antiquae 10, Bruxelles, 2013.
 
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Les constructions narratives chez Tite-Live. L’exemple des leges agrariae dans la première décade de l’"Ab Urbe condita"
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N. MEUNIER, « Les constructions narratives chez Tite-Live. L’exemple des leges agrariae dans la première décade de l’Ab Urbe condita », Res Antiquae 10, Bruxelles, 2013.
 
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Sur l’état de la recherche en écriture chypro-minoenne
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M. EGETMEYER, «  Sur l’état de la recherche en écriture chypro-minoenne », Res Antiquae 11, Brussels, 2014, p. 101-109.
 
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À propos du serpent Illuyanku, le *H4enghu de *H1lH3
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A. FOURNET, «  À propos du serpent Illuyanku, le *H4enghu de *H1lH3 », Res Antiquae 11, Brussels, 2014, p. 121-128.
 
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Foucault, Vernant et la question du sujet dans l’Antiquité. Réflexions sur un débat contemporain
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S. ROUX, « Foucault, Vernant et la question du sujet dans l’Antiquité. Réflexions sur un débat contemporain »,  Res Antiquae 11 Brussels, 2014, p. 189-202.
 
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Iscrizioni nordumbre (friniati) di Ospitale. Nuove acquisizioni
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A. ZAVARONI, « Iscrizioni nordumbre (friniati) di Ospitale. Nuove acquisizioni »,  Res Antiquae 11 Brussels, 2014, p. 207-212.
 
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Prestigio e identità nell’Anatolia ittita. Alcune riflessioni sulla lingua delle lettere di Maşat-Höyük
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P. DARDANO, « Prestigio e identità nell’Anatolia ittita. Alcune riflessioni sulla lingua delle lettere di Maşat-Höyük », Res Antiquae 12, Brussels, 2015.
 
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Le terme "to-pa-po-ro-i" en mycénien. Un état de la question
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J. HENRY, « Le terme to-pa-po-ro-i en mycénien. Un état de la question », Res Antiquae 12, Brussels, 2015.
 
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Autour de Pinara
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R. LEBRUN et É. VAN QUICKELBERGHE, « Autour de Pinara », Res Antiquae 12, Brussels, 2015.
 
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Sagesse et genre. Une approche biblique
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by Stéphanie S. ANTHONIOZ. — This article aims at proposing a study of wisdom and more precisely of sages, both men and women, be they called ḥākām or ḥakāmâ, and reflect upon the question of gender. A brief overview of biblical references seems to show the lack of concern for women sages. However many are they who have been held in high esteem for their wise behavior as the woman from Teqoa (2 Sam 14:1-24), the woman from Avel-Beth-Maaka (2 Sam 20:14-21), Rahab, the prostitute (Jos 2:1-24), Avigaïl, the beautiful woman (1 Sam 25:2-42) and also the woman who killed Abimelek (Jg 9:53). Their…
 
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Bemerkungen zu den karischen Personennamen aus Borsippa
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by Zsolt SIMON. — Cet article présente une enquête critique du matériau onomastique des Cariens dans la ville de Borsippa, y compris de…
 
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Two toponyms with abrupt spellings in Middle Elamite inscriptions
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by Jan TAVERNIER. — L’article fait une étude de deux toponymes attestés dans des inscriptions du roi médio-élamite Šilhak-Inšušinak I. Les deux toponymes contiennent une orthographie…
 
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Les rameuses du roi Snéfrou
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by Claude VANDERSLEYEN. — In this short contribution the lector finds a new interpretation of stories from the papyrus Westcar relating…
 
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Il processo redazionale della corrispondenza egizio-ittita
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by Violetta CORDANI. — With more than 100 letters, the Hittite-Egyptian correspondence provided scholars with a gold mine of information on various aspects of the Late Bronze Age diplomacy. This article analyzes the redactional phases that led to the composition of this corpus…
 
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À propos du grec ΣΤΕΦΩ
Michel MASSON. — The etymology of στέφω is controversial. This article endeavors to give an account of the different theories and opens up some new prospects.
 
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Iscrizioni in antico ligure presso Campiglia (La Spezia)
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by Adolfo ZAVARONI, Stefano MEZZANI. — In this paper, the Authors present 6 of out 34 inscriptions in ancient Ligurian found near Campiglia (La Spezia) in the course of a research started in 2016 in the provinces of La Spezia and Massa-Carrara…
 
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by Marta PALLAVIDINI. — In this paper, I will analyze the metaphors related to the semantic field of sight that are present in the Hittite state treaties and I will demonstrate their relevance in the political-diplomatic discourse…
 
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Remarques annexes concernant l’accusatif en hittite dans le cadre des langues indo-européennes
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The reader finds in this contribution many remarks relating to the use of the accusativ in Hittite with connexions to other old Indo-european languages, such as Greek, Latin or Sanskrit.
 
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Le vieux-perse
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The article focuses on the Old Persian language, one of the two major Old Iranian languages. It is specifically known by the royal inscriptions of the Achaemenids, a dynasty that founded an Empire controlling all of the Ancient Near East (including Egypt) between c. 550-330 BC. Next to a discussion of the grammar of this language, the article also studies some text examples.
 
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Etimologia indoeuropea ed etimologia del sistema. Riflessioni sul lat. pontifex
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Dans le mot latin pontifex, l’élément ponti-, considéré en tant que « parcours » qui unit l’homme à la divinité, donnait à ce terme la signification de « celui qui ouvre, qui prépare un chemin ». C’était en effet le pontifex qui, pendant le rituel, était en mesure de réaliser ce contact. Une comparaison avec des textes indiens a montré que pontifex n’est pas une création du latin, l’image métaphorique a une origine bien plus ancienne qui remonte à la phase indo-européenne. Dans cet essai, on analyse la présence de cette métaphore dans les langues anatoliennes. Dans les rituels des Hittites, on parle souvent non seulement des chemins que la divinité parcourt pour assister à la cérémonie, mais c’est la formule même du célébrant qui est définie un pont.
 
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La question des mots et noms mitanni-aryens, légués par les Indo-Iraniens du Mittanni
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The paper deals with the issue of the Indo-Aryan-sounding superstrate, represented by Person Names and words in Hurrian texts of the Mittanni Kingdom and related documents of the ancient Near-East. It reexamines the items studied by scholars like Mayrhofer and proposes additional data, that appear to have been overlooked. It also tries to address the reasons why Indo-Iranian people would have ventured in the Near-East.
 
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Le sidétique et le pisidien
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This contribution offers a short presentation of the Pisidian and the Sidetic languages who, such as the Lycian, are direct heiresses to the Luwian language. Yet, the documentation relating to Pisidian and Sidetic remains scarce. At the end of the article the reader finds a comparative board between the Luwian (cuneiform and hieroglyphic) and the Lycian languages.
 
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L’apprentissage de la métrologie à Ougarit à la fin de l’âge du Bronze récent
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Within the lexicographic framework, the metrological texts in Sumero-Akkadian cuneiform discovered at Ras-Shamra provide a testimony for the formulation of metrological knowledge at Ugarit towards the end of the Late Bronze Age. I Have chosen to compare these data with the older material from Nippur and hope to show that the Ugaritic measures of content and surface show Old-Babylonian antecedents for some of their elements while others are of local origin.
 

 

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La littérature d'Ougarit, creuset de traditions venues d'outremer et d'outremonts
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The myths of Ras Shamra-Ugarit contain a western legacy illustrated by the gods Kôtharu wa Hasisu and Qadisu wa 'Amraru and related to the migration of skills. The eastern legacy is illustrated by the mythico-magic document “H˚oron and the snakes”, related to the transfers of knowledge. In the legends of Kirta and Aqhatu, several elements are related to the transmission of wisdom.
 

 

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La transmission de l'alphabet phénicien aux Grecs.  “Confrontation dialectique” des théories de B. B. Powell et de R. D. Woodard et synthèse de S.-T. Teodorsson
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Studies on the origin and development of the alphabet are very abundant: considering the last twenty years only, I listed more than thirty papers and monographs, which focus their attention on the mother script and antiquity of the Greek alphabet or the place and modalities of its transmission. In this paper, I shall comment three key theories, namely these of B.B. Powell (1991), related with Homeric epics, R.D. Woodard (1997), related with Cypriot syllabic writing, and S.-T. Teodorsson (2006), related with oriental literature. I chose them because they offer a global model of the alphabet’s historical reconstitution, which takes into consideration all parts of the question. Powell’s “Homer related” theory and Woodard’s, on a Cypriot origin, apparently completely opposed, seem to be combined to a certain degree by Teodorsson, who proposes a kind of compromise between literary influence and trade routes.
 

 

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Plato Ikhwanianus. Retour sur le récit platonicien de l'anneau de Gygès dans l'encyclopédie des Frères de la Pureté
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In the 52nd and last epistle of the Brethren of Purity, one finds a passage which is a very faithful translation of Plato’s famous narrative about the ring of Gyges. Taking into account the literality of the translation, the size of the passage (about 30 lines) and the precision of the reference made to the original text, it may fairly be assumed that it is a unicum in the history of the transmission of Plato to the Arab world. The purpose of this paper is to take up again this issue and try to bring up some new elements to the discussion.
 

 

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Le Platon arabe et les Sabéens de Harran. La "voie diffuse" de la transmission du platonisme en terre d'Islam
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In the absence of integral and litteral Arabic translations of Plato’s dialogues, the transmission of Platonism in the Muslim world was an indirect one, passing through different channels such as medical works, doxographies and gnomologies. The complexity and relative obscurity of this ‘voie diffuse’, in which according to Pierre Thillet oral transmission played an important role, led to all kinds of hazardous speculations about the existence of a Platonic Academy among the “Sabaens” in Ḥarrān, which was supposed to be still in activity in the Xth century. This article proposes a critical analysis of one of the most quoted “evidences” for this theory: al-Mas‘ūdī’s report about a Platonic inscription he claims to have seen on the door-knocker of the maǧma‘ of the Sabaeans in Ḥarrān. Rather than proving the existence of a “Platonic Academy” there, al-Mas‘ūdī offers us an eloquent illustration of the way Platonism was transmitted in the Muslim world.
 

 

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La migration du savoir entre les communautés : le cas de la littérature arabe chrétienne
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This paper addresses the important phenomenon of contacts and influences between the various religious communities of the pre-modern Near East in the field of the written heritage, and more particularly in that of Christian Arabic literature. The introduction discusses several examples of such interchange, on the one hand, between the various Christian communities (Melkites, Syrians, Copts) and between various language traditions (Syriac, Armenian, Coptic, Arabic) and on the other hand, between Christian and Muslim intellectual environments. The main part of the paper investigates the textual similarities that can be detected in the works of Sulaymān al-Ġazzī, Melkite bishop of Ghazza in the the tenth and eleventh centuries A.D., and the famous Epistles of the Iḫwān al-Ṣafā’ (Brethren of Purity). Some preliminary suggestions are given for the question as to how such similarities might have come about.
 

 

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Les débuts de l'alphabet en Orient et en Occident. Quelle ambiance !
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The creation of the alphabet and its diffusion occurred in a very particular climate, characterized by an extreme freedom and inventiveness.
This apparently irrepressible outburst appears not only in the very beginnings of the alphabet in the Middle East (from ca 2000 BC) but also when it was diffused in Asia Minor and Occident — in the Phrygian world, since the end of the IXth c., and in Greece and Italy, since ca 775.
 

 

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De Baghdad à Cordoue : une migration de la tradition grammaticale arabe
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The Arabic Grammatical Tradition aims at studying the Kalâm-ʾl-ʿArab or “Language of the Arabs”, relying on texts written before 130/750. ʾAbû ʿAlî al-Qâlî (Manâzgird 280/893 – Cordoba 355/966), after having learnt Arabic grammar in Baghdad, has left the city in 328/939 for teaching in Cordoba from 330/941, applying the principles of Basra Grammatical School Tradition. He wrote several books, but one of them may be considered as typical for this Tradition : “The Book of Shortened and Extended Noun”, a critical edition of which has recently been published by Dr. al-Haridi. Al-Qâlî does no more regard “shortened noun” (ʾism maqṣûr) and “reduced noun” (ʾism manqûṣ) as synonymous as Ancient Grammarians did. In his view, a shortened noun is a noun where a /y/ or a /w/ is included as a radical. He looks for a main structural principle organizing grammatical rules, putting aside the nawâdir or unusual words. So that we may think about him as occupying an intermediary position between Ibn Sarrâǧ and Ibn Ǧinnî in the history of Arabic Grammatical Tradition.
 
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La Chine illustrée d’Athanase Kircher (China monumentis illustrata, 1667). La découverte des caractères chinois et son apport aux débats sur les écritures au XVIIe siècle
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The discovery and knowledge of Chinese characters in the 17th century nourished reflections about the principal ideas that occupied the thinkers of the 17th century. Kircher, best known as an Egyptologist, popularized information about China. As for writing, the comparison with Egyptian hieroglyphs allowed him to oppose on one hand a writing which corresponded to ordinary words and language used in everyday life, and on the other the subtlety and the mystery of Egyptian hieroglyphs, which remained removed from the day-to-day life due to their inspiration stemming from more abstract ideas.
 
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Migration des savoirs entre l’Elam et la Mésopotamie
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This article focuses on the transfer of knowledge and wisdom between Mesopotamia and Elam…
 

 

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Die 10. Tafel des ḫišuu̯a-Festes
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La fête ḫišuu̯a, composée dans la forme classique à l’ordre de la reine Puduḫepa, comprend treize tablettes. Dans cet article, la dixième tablette est traitée sur la base de tous les textes identifiés actuellement.
 
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I patronimici in -ίδᾱς del greco antico tra conservazione e innovazione
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Cet essai analyse les dérivés en -ίδᾱς en grec ancien, présence bien attestée – avec la valeur de patronymiques – dans la langue homérique. Après avoir écarté la validité des interprétations déjà existantes sur l’origine de ce suffixe, qu’il est malaisé de considérer en tant qu’agglomerat de -ίδ- + -ᾱς, on propose de postuler une origine microasiatique pour le suffixe -ίδᾱς dans sa globalité. Il s’agirait, en effet, du suffixe indo-européen *-iyo- (d’ailleurs bien attesté pour les adjectifs de relation), qui serait medié du lydien, vu qu’il présente l’évolution phonétique *y > d en position intervocalique, phénomène qui apparaît fréquemment dans la langue lydienne.
 

 

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À propos de deux fragments de l'épopée de Gilgameš en langue hourrite
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The paper deals with two badly damaged passages of the Epic of Gilgameš written in the Hurrian language (KUB VIII 61). The first passage corresponds to Tablet I of the standard Babylonian text and the lament of Uruk's inhabitants about the tyrannic rule of their king. The second passage narrates the encounter of Gilgameš and Šiduri and corresponds to Tablet X. It can be noted that the Hurrian version is inspired by the oldest version and not the standard version, which is about a millennium more recent.
 
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L’inscription phénicienne de Tabnit (KAI 13). Essai de vocalisation
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The aim of this article is to propose a vocalisation of the Phoenician inscription of Tabnit (KAI 13). It begins with an introduction about the methodology. Then follows a line by line commentary where all the choices are explained. It ends with some syntactical remarks.
 

 

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Urartu. Les sources épigraphiques de la langue
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Following the publication of the Corpus of Urartian Inscriptions, namely of the first three volumes dedicated to the monumental texts (inscriptions on building stones and rocks) it is important to stress the importance of strong epigraphic research for linguistic studies. Apart from the well known methods of interpretation of an ancient language (ethymology, bilinguals, combinatory method) in the case of Urartian there is another one, consisting mainly in the study of the connections between inscriptions and their monumental and archaeological contexts. In this article some rock inscriptions are studied and interpretations of lexical elements and grammatical forms are offered. All these hypotheses are based exclusively on in situ study of inscriptions both in Eastern Turkey and Iranian Azerbaijan.
 
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Élamite. Analyse grammaticale et lecture de textes
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Elamite, a limited text-corpus language, was spoken in southwest Iran at least from c. 2350 till the fourth century BC. In this article a general overview of the Elamite grammar (writing system, phonology, morphology, and syntax) is presented. Following this presentation some texts will be discussed.
 

 

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Per l’etimo dell’ittito maškan-
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Cet essai analyse le mot hittite maškan- « don, récompense propitiatoire, dessous de table » afin d’en proposer une étymologie. L’étude des attestations montre que la composante principale de la signification de maškan- pourrait appartenir au domaine de l’illégalité. À la lumière de ceci on propose d’analyser le mot maškan- comme un dérivé en -an (sur l’exemple de l’hittite ¯enkan- « ruine, mort », takšan- « jonction, moyen ») de la racine indo-européenne *mesg- « immerger, submerger » : maškan- serait alors, littéralement, « ce qui est souterrain, ce qui est caché ».
 
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Lat. "gravastellus" (Plaut. "Epid." 620): un "hapax" problematico
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L’adjectif plautinien grāvāstellus (Ep., 620) a toujours posé des problèmes à l’analyse  linguistique, étant donné qu’il s’agit d’un hapax et aussi parce qu’il n’a été pas transmis de manière univoque par tous les manuscrits (dans certains d’entre eux, on lit ravistellus). Toutefois, la forme grāvāstellus est défendable du point de vue philologique, si on prend en compte l’authenticité et l’autorité de la tradition qui l’atteste. Il est possible, dès lors, de faire remonter grāvāstellus à un étymon *grā-u̯os, qui se retrouve dans la variante plus récente rāvus, « gris ». Lié étymologiquement à des formes grecques telles que γραῦς, « vieille femme », l’adjectif *grā-u̯os comporte un signifié primitif « vieux », qui a donné, par spécialisation sémantique, le sens de « gris » dans rāvus. L’existence de telles variations en latin est confirmée par la comparaison avec les autres langues indo-européennes.
 
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Anfang und Ende des Ersten Pestgebetes Muršilis II.
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Tout hittitologue ou spécialiste de l’histoire de l’Anatolie antique devra se réjouir de voir avantageusement restaurés, grâce à de nouveaux « joins », deux passages de la première prière contre la peste qui ravageait le Hatti du Grand Roi hittite Moursili II (1318-1290 av. J.-C.) ; il s’agit du Ro 1-7, 16-22 et du Vo 44-51. La publication enrichissante de ces deux passages est assortie d’observations philologiques d’un grand intérêt.
 
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Les inscriptions de Lepcis Magna en l’honneur de Septime Sévère et de sa famille. Deuxième partie
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This article is the second part of a study intituled « The inscriptions of Lepcis Magna in honour of Septimius Severus and his family ». In this first article, we exposed the epigraphically corpus used and tried to identified author of this texts (see).
 
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L’enfant de la  IVe Bucolique : un autre Zarathuštra ?
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Because the ambiguousness of the Latin grammar we don’t know who in Virgil’s 4th Eclogue (vv. 60 – 63) smiles (the child to his mother or the mother to her child). In order to work out this problem we compare the birth of the child and Zoroaster’s whose Virgil’s contemporaries knew the live, at least partly. We thus may say not only the child smiles to his mother, but also he is born in a religious environment, as when Zoroaster was born. In the 4th Eclogue, Virgil provides the child with some Zoroaster’s salient features, in order that the child has the qualities of the founder of the religion the Parthians, i.e. the Rome’ enemies, practise, and because the child will see the submission of the Parthians.
 
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